Once in power, the AKP garnered popular support for change, succeeding in part because of the decade of stable economic growth the party has provided. The nascent Islamist parties sensed an opportunity and began building grass-roots networks and incubating a forward-looking vision for Turkey, one that cultivated permeable walls between religion, public policy and government, and that embraced the country’s Islamic identity in foreign policy.When the dominant center-right parties collapsed after a debilitating economic crisis in 2000 and 2001, the Islamists used a platform of moderation to attract voters. In 1996, 94 percent of Turkish respondents to the World Values Survey said they trusted their military, while in 2011 the same poll found that barely 75 percent do.Recognizing this and the AKP’s dominance, the military leadership threw in the towel on July 28.Now, the AKP, as the dominant elite, can repeat the cycle of a powerful force shaping the country.Just as Atatürk molded Turkey in his rigidly secular and Western image because he could, Erdoğan will remake Turkey to match his image of rigid social conservatism and Islamic identity.Domestically, this means a blend of government-imposed social conservatism and popular will.
For one, Erdoğan’s Ottoman nostalgia and disdain for the current world order occasionally takes on an aggressive nature: his laments about being forced to give up Ottoman lands have enraged neighbors like Greece and Iraq.Investors aren’t impressed, either: Each time Erdoğan blames outside forces or high interest rates, the lira tumbles “Erdoğan’s popularity rests on several pillars — his ideology and Islam, but also because he raised the life standards of the ordinary Turk,” Akyol said. Now, it is Erdogan’s turn.
When Turkey became a multi-party democracy in 1950, various parties sought for decades to maintain Atatürk’s legacy, while the military guarded the system.Eventually, however, lethargy took hold. Along with the notion of a “war of independence,” the Erdoğan ideology shares another strong similarity with Kemalism — its strong cult of personality.There the similarities end.
Erdoğan can run and scream all he wants; he is Atatürk's kid. After Donald Trump won the U.S. election, badly affecting emerging markets, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, however, had a different view.
“Erdoğan, his survival, the expansion of Turkey, the independence of Turkey — it’s merged into this national mythology.”It’s the narrative that had been missing from Erdoğan’s ambitions for a “New Turkey,” his vision for a prosperous country with him as its executive president. That era has, by and large, ended. A buoyant AKP established itself as Turkey’s new elite, gradually replacing Kemalist power centers in the media, business, academia, civil society, unions and, after amendments to the constitution last year, the high courts.The military was the final institution of Kemalism. As the Ottoman Empire vanished after World War I, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk created a new Turkey in the mold of Europe. Politics and policymaking in the UK capital.A weekly newsletter on campaigning, lobbying and political influence in the EU.Florian Eder’s must-read briefing on what's driving the day in Brussels.Pompeo says the US will issue the sanctions to essentially extend an arms embargo on Iran.US push for sanctions on Tehran has left Europe in an awkward position.Emmanuel Macron is a ‘true friend of Greece,’ Greek PM says.The meeting will take place on Friday, foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said. Time will tell how far he is able to shape Turkey in his conservative design.This column originally appeared in The Washington PostA fire at Iran's Natanz nuclear facility last month was the result of sabotage, the spokesman for Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation told state TV channel al-Alam on Aug. 23. It also means that Turkey will be open to all sorts of non-Western dalliances. Erdoğan encourages Ottoman nostalgia, which Atatürk despised. And unlike Atatürk, who presided over a one-party system, Erdoğan does see his state as a multi-party democracy — albeit one without independent institutions, where winning the vote is all that’s needed to rule.Islamism is a strong factor, too.
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